Mentoring for Youth and Young Adults During Reentry from Confinement

Introduction

Ideally, each of these consequences is intended to be a corrective experience, to lead to improved outcomes instead of deteriorating ones. However, Snyder¹ argued that each such experience has the potential to negatively impact the ability of a youth to succeed in a prosocial manner in his or her community in the future. For example, even during a short stay, a youth might connect with members of a gang, and this could lead to involvement in the gang and the commission of a new set of antisocial behaviors once released. Thus, experiencing any type of confinement might warrant the provision of “reentry” services before and after a return to home that are designed to increase both short- and long-term positive outcomes.

Unfortunately, reentry is often not a situation that occurs only once. Many youth have repeated episodes of confinement (e.g., 50%²) and thus experience repeated periods of reentry. This occurs despite a large amount of resources being spent on juvenile justice, and particularly toward the highest risk youth. For example, Broder³ estimated that even though California’s juvenile prison system costs the state about $6 billion annually, or $80,000 per youth, 90% of youth recidivated. Given this backdrop, it is not surprising that improving the ability of the juvenile justice system to prevent recidivism among youth who are reentering their communities following periods of confinement is of great interest to funders, program developers, practitioners, and policymakers alike.^{4, 5}

Interest in reentry has led to a wide range of responses. Two recent initiatives of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) focused on the reentry population are the Juvenile Mentoring Initiative and Strengthening Relationships Between Young Fathers, Young Mothers, and Their Children, both funded under the Second Chance Act. Through these funding streams, OJJDP has provided grants to support mentoring and other transitional services considered essential to reintegrating juvenile offenders into their communities. Attempts also have been made to improve the dissemination of research findings into the practice community. For example, the National Reentry Resource Center was established in 2009 by the U.S. Department of Justice to serve as the primary source of information and guidance in reentry, advancing the use of evidence based practices and policies, and creating a network of practitioners, researchers, and policymakers invested in reducing recidivism. reentry repeatedly, ongoing community-based interventions such as mentoring seem warranted for consideration as a reentry service.

In this review, research relevant to understanding the potential influence of mentoring programs on youth during reentry from juvenile justice (see Blechman & Bopp⁶; Chan & Henry⁷) will be analyzed. Nationally, a one-day census conducted in 2013 (October 23) found that 54,148 juveniles were held in residential placement facilities for offenses; this number has been steadily declining over time, from counts of over 100,000 youth in the late 1990s and 2000.⁸ Youth in custody are most often male, in their mid-teen years, and those who have been convicted of nonviolent offenses; rates of confinement, furthermore, are notably higher for racial and ethnic minority youth, particularly those who are Black or African-American.⁸ Most are dealing with a number of significant struggles in their lives, such as poverty, family problems, and difficulties with school, as well as other key challenges, such as substance abuse and mental illness. Although national data on average length of time in custody are not available, most juveniles will be detained (i.e., held in a facility pending an adjudicatory or disposition hearing) for relatively brief periods of time, whereas those who are committed (i.e., placed into a residential facility after adjudication) will experience longer periods of confinement (in the above referenced one-day census, half of the detained juveniles had been in placement fewer than 22 days, whereas half of the committed residents had been in placement longer than 120 days). Regardless, however, the overwhelming majority (over 80% according to one estimate¹) will be released within a year of confinement. Thus, most youth who are confined due to juvenile justice involvement do return to their communities, and since many experience reentry repeatedly, ongoing community-based interventions that provide support, such as mentoring, seem warranted for consideration as part of a reentry service package.⁹ Since most states allow some individuals to remain under the jurisdiction of the juvenile court after the age of 18 years, and since young adulthood is widely viewed today as an “emerging” state¹⁰ rather than a qualitatively different state of being from adolescence, we also consider findings on mentoring for young adults (under the age of 25 years) involved with the justice system. This approach is consistent with recently published rigorous reviews of the reentry literature for youth (e.g., James, et al.¹¹).

What Is the Effectiveness of Mentoring at Reentry for Youth and Young Adults?

Thus, mentoring seems like a potential intervention for use with youth during reentry. The relatively stronger effects of mentoring on youth in “high risk” circumstances was a primary conclusion in the DuBois, Holloway, Valentine, and Cooper¹⁹ meta-analysis of 55 evaluations of the effects of mentoring programs on youth, and again in the DuBois, Portillo, Rhodes, Silverthorn, and Valentine²⁰ meta-analysis of 73 such evaluations. More recently, Tolan et al.²¹ conducted a meta-analysis focused specifically on mentoring studies of youth at risk for, or already involved in, delinquency and found modest effect sizes on all outcomes examined, including delinquency and aggression. Their findings echoed those of Jolliffe and Farrington²² based on their meta-analysis of effects of mentoring programs on reoffending for youth (see also Lipsey²³). Given these reports, mentoring youth during reentry from confinement seems like a strategy worthy of consideration.

Aftercare programs for youth and young adults who have been confined for offenses have also demonstrated generally small effects on recidivism.¹¹ Interestingly, effects have been more substantial for programs that consist of individual instead of group intervention, with one type of individual intervention being one-on-one mentoring (e.g., Drake & Barnoski¹³). Work with older populations of offenders has also found that mentoring from community volunteers or clergy appears promising in terms of reducing recidivism.²⁴ Findings such as these offer further reasons for optimism for the potential benefits of mentoring for youth and young adults reentering their communities following periods of confinement.

Research

Across the studies, and similar to the findings in Snyder¹ of the characteristics of the reentry population at large, participants tended to be male and racial and/or ethnic minority. The six studies of juvenile populations resembled Snyder¹ in that the average age of each sample was in the mid-teens. Six of the studies examined mentoring within the context of multimodal intervention, which typically included case management and the receipt of other needed services. Two of the studies used volunteer mentors, and the rest used paid mentors, most of whom delivered a variety of other intervention components as well (e.g., case managers).

As can be seen in Table 1, only two of the six comparison group studies found statistically significant differences between the groups on delinquency related outcomes, such as recidivism. In two additional studies, trends in favor of the mentored group were reported; although not statistically significant, it is notable that these differences were evident at follow-ups extending to three or more years. Unfortunately, none of these studies examined other key life outcomes besides delinquency, such as homelessness, completion or continued involvement in education, or employment status. In all, this collection of findings, most of which are unpublished, reflect the “modest” effects of mentoring found in each of the meta-analyses noted above. They also reflect the “substantial” heterogeneity of effects reported by Tolan and colleagues²¹ in their meta-analysis of the effects of mentoring programs on delinquency and related outcomes. In short, knowledge about the impact of mentoring for youth at reentry is at present extremely sparse despite repeated calls for more rigorous research (e.g., Abrams, Mizel, Nguyen, Shlonsky²⁵).

Conclusions

1. Insufficient evidence is available to draw conclusions about the effectiveness of mentoring, whether delivered in tandem with other services and supports or not, for youth or young adults during reentry.

What Factors Condition or Influence the Effectiveness of Mentoring at Reentry for Youth and Young Adults?

In this larger body of literature, which subsumes the topic for this review, Tolan et al.²¹ found enough information to examine the influence of only five moderators: type of sample selection criteria (i.e., individual risk, environmental risk), type of program (i.e., mentoring only, multimodal), motivation to be a mentor (i.e., civic duty, professional development), existence of program quality monitoring, and program emphasis (i.e., modeling/identification, emotional support, teaching, advocacy). Some evidence of moderation was found for three categorical variables: (1) whether or not professional development was a motive for becoming a mentor, (2) whether or not providing emotional support was a program emphasis, and (3) whether or not engaging in advocacy activities for a youth was a program emphasis. Separately, the presence of each of these factors was related to greater program impact. Unfortunately, at the time of the Tolan et al.²¹ work, there was insufficient information available in the literature to examine interactions between and among these and other potential moderating variables. This remains true today.

Research on possible moderators of the effects of reentry programs and supports is similarly limited. The broader review of this research referenced previously found that effects were more favorable among older and high-risk youth.¹¹ In the multisite evaluation of the mentoring component of the Ready4Work reentry initiative,²⁷ which included both young and older adults, qualitative interviews were conducted with 31 mentors, eight of whom had been incarcerated. Findings suggested that mentors who had been incarcerated may be in a better position to support their mentees. Specifically, mentors who had never been incarcerated mentioned more frequently that they struggled with getting their mentees to open up and be responsive to offers of help than did mentors who themselves had at some point been incarcerated.

Different program models further illustrate innovative program practices that might be important in conditioning effective mentoring and associated program supports for youth and young adults reentering their communities. For example, in the Boys & Girls Clubs of America’s Targeted Reentry program (cited in James et al.¹¹), while incarcerated, the youth develops, together with a facility treatment team, an individualized transition plan. As part of this process, the transition specialist assists the youth in establishing a Community Action Team of mentors and local service providers that provide counseling, support, guidance, and assistance in meeting the goals of the transition plan. The transition specialist then works with each youth and his or her Community Action Team to identify and secure resources and services. The approach of this program has much in common with the strategy of youth-initiated mentoring, which has promising evidence of effectiveness for older adolescents (a National Mentoring Resource Center review of the research on this practice can be found here).

Research

For example, Seroczynski, Evans, Jobst, Horvath, and Carozza²⁸ reported findings suggestive of greater effects of participation in the Reading for Life program (a diversion program) on rearrest among males, older youth (16 years and older), minority youth, and youth from lower income families. None of these trends, however, reached statistical significance. Moderation is often examined after outcome effects are found for the overall sample, but several of the comparison group studies in this review failed to find such effects. Further, the examination of moderation requires adequate sample sizes so that there is sufficient statistical power to detect such effects. Many of the study samples in this review were quite small.

Conclusions

1. Insufficient evidence is available to draw conclusions about the moderators of the effects of mentoring provided to youth during reentry from juvenile justice.

What Intervening Processes Are Most Important in Linking Mentoring at Reentry to Outcomes for Youth and Young Adults?

More generally, it is through processes that occur within this relationship, or that are initiated by this relationship, that mentoring has been thought to impact outcomes such as youth delinquency.²⁹ Unfortunately, examinations of the mediation of effects in the mentoring literature at large are rare, and almost nonexistent in the literature on juvenile delinquency (see discussion in Tolan et al.²¹).

Several studies have hypothesized about factors that might be related to mediation, or a combination of mediation and moderation (i.e., factors that may serve as intervening processes for those with particular characteristics or backgrounds). For example, Moore³⁰ hypothesized that mentor qualities impacted outcomes in his study of a counseling program using “citizen volunteers” with youth on probation:

“Severe demands were made on both the time and the talents of the unpaid volunteers, who functioned as crisis counselors, resource brokers, tutors, advocates, and friends, and even arranged employment. In the present study the volunteers were exceptionally capable, mature, energetic, and dedicated people who had counseled several young offenders successfully in the past. Volunteers who are less talented, less dedicated, and less experienced may be less successful.” (p. 828)

Possibly the background, experience, and commitment of these mentors (moderating variables) led to higher quality relationships (a mediating variable), as well as meaningful outcomes, such as increasing the social capital of mentees and helping problem solve key issues along the way.

In a notable examination of mediation within the broader mentoring and reentry literature, the evaluation of the Ready4Work initiative referred to previously²⁷ found some support for two potential pathways through which mentoring during reentry was related to improved employment and recidivism outcomes for participants: through program retention and through participation in program services (i.e., wraparound and job placement/retention services). Research from youth mentoring suggests that such pathways may be most viable for younger reentry populations when there is ample programmatic support for mentoring (e.g., training) and it is integrated with other services rather than simply as an “add on.”³¹

Research

In this research by Jarjoura, among those matches in which “mentor and youth worked closely together,” only 13% of youth were reincarcerated by one year post-release and only 28% by four years post-release. This is in contrast to corresponding rates of 39% and 62%, respectively, in a services-as-usual control condition. Interpretation of these types of results is complicated by a lack of clear definitions of what quality relationships look like during reentry as well as by the potential for youth identified as having strong relationships with their mentors to have differed in other ways that were consequential prior to mentoring (e.g., stronger social skills).

Conclusions

1. Insufficient evidence is available to draw conclusions about mediators of outcomes related to mentoring youth and young adults at reentry.

Have Mentoring Supports and Services at Reentry Following Confinement Been Implemented with High Quality and Sustained?

Additional key concerns include engaging targeted populations of youth in programs as well as the extent to which available programs and services are likely to be adopted and implemented on a sustained basis by relevant host settings within and outside of the juvenile justice system.

In a few instances, researchers have commented on implementation issues. For example, in a study of youth on probation, Lane, Turner, Fain, and Sehgal³³ noted the conflicts that can occur for staff and mentors when working within a justice system. The family and community-centered focus of their program was at times at odds with the orientation and practices of the juvenile justice system. This might have led to a less than optimal implementation of a program, decreased likelihood of program success, and increased likelihood that staff and mentors left their program. Given these possibilities, it may be vital that program administrators and their staff as well as justice system administrators and their staff work closely together, reach an understanding of what is possible and what is not within an existing system, and develop policies, practices, and support systems that enable what is possible to actually occur.

A key part of such a set of policies, practices, and support could potentially revolve around good record keeping so that implementation can be monitored by practitioners and administrators and documented by researchers.²¹ In their studies of mentoring, both Lane et al.³³ and Bouffard and Bergseth¹⁴ noted that record keeping was a problem. Reliable and valid administrative records that document not only youth demographics and background characteristics, but mentoring program and juvenile justice system processes, may be just as important as records that document outcomes, such as recidivism.

Another area of potential importance highlighted by researchers relates to the fundamental nature of mentoring programs. For example, Blechman, Maurice, Buecker, and Helberg³⁴ compared a skills training program with a mentor program on recidivism outcomes for youth (see also Davidson, Redner, Blakely, Mitchell, and Emshoff³⁵). These researchers suggested that logistical problems for mentor programs present unique challenges that contribute to heterogeneity of program effects. For example, in skills training programs, instructor qualifications and class content are usually specified and formalized, and what it means to “implement” a program is clear to all, including juvenile justice staff members. This may not be the case with a mentoring program. Not only are mentor specifications often lacking, but issues such as recruiting mentors who are mutually acceptable matches with mentees and who endure throughout the course of the program can be difficult. These types of issues could pose serious problems for implementation and for mentor program effectiveness.^{30, 34}

Yet it’s worth trying to overcome these challenges. In the aforementioned review of aftercare programs¹¹ effects on recidivism were stronger when programs were well-implemented. A key consideration for mentoring programs in this regard may be assessing the extent to which a program, as actually delivered, aligns with both the developmental and intervention models underlying the program (see Eddy, Dishion, and Stoolmiller³⁶). This would include not only a careful examination of how mentoring was delivered, but the training, supports, and supervision that mentors receive (versus what they are supposed to receive).

Research

On a positive note, sites were generally successful in recruiting enough mentors. Congregations were a major source of mentors, with 54% being recruited from this source; furthermore, although recruitment efforts did not deliberately target formerly incarcerated individuals, almost one third of the mentors had spent time incarcerated. On the other hand, the sites were successful in engaging only about half of those enrolled in the initiative in the mentoring component. Among the barriers to engagement identified that seem most potentially relevant to youth and young adults were competing demands on time, a perception that mentoring was just one more form of institutional requirement, and a reluctance to discuss problems with strangers. Sites also experienced ongoing struggles to keep participants engaged in the mentoring component, such that only about a third of participants received more than three months of mentoring. Of additional note, younger participants were significantly less likely to become involved in the mentoring component of the program.²⁷ These findings notwithstanding, an in-depth and longitudinal qualitative examination of resilience among adolescents who were formerly incarcerated revealed evidence of a general openness to adult mentoring.³⁷ Furthermore, whereas results highlighted the apparent benefits of relationships with caring and committed adults that youth experienced while confined, this contrasted starkly with a lack of adults available to youth post-confinement to provide support with skill development in areas of critical importance to their overall well-being and adaptation in community settings (e.g., coping, problem-solving, substance abuse).

Conclusions

1. Insufficient evidence is available to draw conclusions about any aspect of implementing mentoring programs and supports for youth or young adults during reentry following confinement; this is also true for related considerations of successfully engaging targeted youth in such programs or support and their adoption and sustained utilization by host settings.

Implications for Practice

There is a long history in the United States of charitable and religious organizations doing work not only behind prison walls, but also providing various forms of support to adults upon their release from correctional facilities. This work correctly recognizes that incarceration and removal from a community is a deeply unsettling experience and that individuals will need many forms of support as they integrate back into communities and begin the hard work of staying on the right side of the law. Increasingly, these types of reentry services are also being offered to juveniles who are coming out of incarceration or other, less disruptive, periods of engagement with the juvenile justice system⎯offered by community organizations or government agencies themselves in an attempt to curb recidivism and future adult system involvement by juvenile offenders. As noted in this review above, mentoring, either by an individual or in a group setting, is one of the more prominent strategies employed by these programs.

Serving this population with mentors, whether as a stand-alone service or in conjunction with other services, can be a challenging proposition for a variety of reasons: the multifaceted needs of the youth; the skills needed for mentors to build a strong mutual relationship at this critical moment in time; the communication between, and coordination of, services with the many players in the “system.” But as researcher Roger Jarjoura has noted, “mentoring may be the missing ingredient”³⁸ in helping these youth break old habits, find stable footing, and start rebuilding their lives³⁹. So what are some keys to success for serving reentering juvenile offenders well?

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Tables

Table 1: Studies of the Effectiveness of Interventions Including Mentoring for Youth and Young Adults During Reentry from Confinement